the second half of the XV-th — the beginning of the XVII-th

centuries)

The interrelations of the feudal empires of the medieval East, the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis, occupying the territories of Azerbaijan and neighbouring countries, with the European states represent one of the important problems of the Soviet historical science, which till now days, however, was not subject to special studying in our historiography.

The actuality of thorough and deep studying of interrelations of the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries is primarily explained by the fact that the history of the Azerbaijan people and that of the neighbouring peoples of the USSR as well as of other Eastern states of the period of feudalism is directly connected with the history of these countries.

Besides that, a thorough studying of the history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis has great significance for a more full understanding of many problems of the world history. First of all it is explained by the fact that international trade routes, connecting Middle Asia, China, India and the coast of the Persian Gulf with the basins of the Mediterrenean and Black Seas, and the countries of the Middle East through the Derbent pass along the Caspian-Volga water way with Russia passed through the territories of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. This exerted positive influence on their international relations. At the same time famous handicraft and trade centers and raw material recourses of Azerbaijan, the Caucasus and Iran were concentrated here and this created favorable conditions for maintaining close trade relations with the Western countries of these states themselves. An important role in economic relations of tirial recourses of Azerbaijan, the Caucasus and Iran were concentrated here and this created favorable conditions for maintaining close trade relations with the Western countries of these states themselves. An important role in economic relations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the European countries played the Azerbaijan silk and particularly raw silk. Thus, the mutual trade relations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the European countries were in fact the continuation and one of the stages of economic relations that were established between the civilizations of the East and West in ancient times. That is why the studying of interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the Western world as a separate scientific problem economic in states with the Western world as a separate scient has great significance for overall elucidation of interrelations of peoples of Asia and Europe as a whole.

Without fundamental studying the interrelations between the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries it is impossible to cover fully as a separate scientific problem the history of diplomatic relations between Europe and the East, directed at solving political problems equally important for both sides.

The most important military-political factor of drawing together the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western powers was so called 'Turkish problem". Beginning from the middle of the XIV century the Ottoman state occupying the most important strategic points at the joint of Asia and Europe and having become in the XV century a powerful Empire the only real military power of the Middle Ages" /7, p. 189/—represented not only a serious obstacle on the way of traditional trade relations, connecting the East with the Western countries, but also an extremely great military-political danger for its neighbours on both continents. Beginning from the middle of the XV century the struggle against the Ottoman Empire turned into the main question of foreign policy of a number of states of Europe and Asia, including the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. Pursueing an active foreign policy against the Ottoman Empire the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis at different periods occupied a leading place in antiturkish coalition of Asian and European countries. Being unable to resist the successes of Turkish arms in Europe, the Western states did their utmost to deal a blow at the Ottoman Empire from the rear and to break up its military forces into two fronts — the European and Asian ones. For achieving these goals they established close contacts with the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. In their turn the rulers of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis, trying to keep a part of military forces of the mighty Ottman Empire permanently chained to the European front also tried to establish broad contacts with the Western countries. Thus, this theme has great significance for overall elucidation of the history of the " Turkish problem", which was the common question of foreign policy of many European and Asian countries during a long period of time.

As it is seen from the aforesaid, the socio-economic and political history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis should be studied against the background of the world historical process, that is taking into consideration the common conformity to natural laws and ways of development of history. Otherwise, in our opinion it will be impossible to come to the objective scientific conclusions. In this connection it should be marked that on the socioeconomic and political history of Azerbaijan and the neighbouring countries as well as of many other countries of the East, great influence was exerted by such important processes of world history as primitive accumulation of capital, great geographical discoveries, beginning of colonial expansion of European states in the? East and so on. But unfortunately we must say that all these important questions stayed apart from the attention of researchers of the history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. Taking into account all this we considered plans of foreign policy of the Western powers concerning the Akkoyunlu and Safavis both from the point of view of concrete economic and political interests of some countries and of processes taking place in Western Europe as a whole.

While determining chronological frames of the study the whole complex of home and foreign policy factors which stipulated the reasons, course and results of interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the Western countries was taken into consideration. First of all the most important military political factor that gave them a shove for drawing together was the Ottoman state. The necessity ef joint struggle against this feudal empire from the middle of the XV century turned to be a constant question of foreign policy for its both western and eastern neighbours. The 'Turkish problem was remaining the main or one of the most important questions of international relations between the countries of the Near and Middle East and Europe till the appearance of first signs of weakening of military power of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the XVI century. On the other hand, many Western countries, which had not been subject to the direct agression on the part of the Ottoman Empire, also interfered into the Safavi-Turkish relations. They constantly kept these two states in the state of war with each other trying to seize sources of cheap raw materials and profitable markets in the East and if there was a chance, to fortify their position at the vast territories of these states. In fact, long wars of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with Turkey created favorable conditions for relation of the colonial plans of the European powers in the East. Taking advantage of the situation when the two largest powers of the East were engaged in confrontation with each other, the Western countries at the end of the XV — the beginning of the XVII centuries not having met any serious resistance

fortified their positions in the basin of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. In such a situation neither the state of Safavis nor the Ottoman Empire could prevent it. At the very end of the XVI century a radical turn took place in the history of the Safavi-Turkish wars. The Safavis won several brilliant victories over the Ottoman Empire. Its plan to occupy all the Caucasus including Azerbaijan and to fortify its positions in the basin of the Caspian Sea completely failed. Besides that, beginning from the end of the XVI century there outlined a turning point in the relations between Turkey and the Western countries. The-" Turkish problem" gradually lost its former significance in international relations of Western Europe. While determining the chronological frame-work of the study we took into account this factor too.

The main goal of the research is the studying as a single problem on the basis of primary sources interrelations of the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the European countries and in generalization and systematization of separate questions of this problem. This study, being the first step on the way of complex and integral studying of said problem, is at the same time the first attempt to consider the history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis against the background of number of the most important stages and general problems of world history, such as a process of so called primitive accumulation of capital, the beginning of colonial policy of the Western countries and the joint struggle against the Ottoman agression. Taking into account the actuality of the problem and the fact that up till now it was not specially studied, the author paid his main attention to the key questions of interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western powers. These questions included economic prerequisites and the role of political factor in interrelations of the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the countries of Western Europe; the place of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis in the coalition of countries, leading struggle against the Ottoman Empire; the course of diplomatic relations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the European countries; the role of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis in failure of predatory eastern policy of the Ottoman Empire, including plans of conquest of the territory of Azerbaijan and the whole Caucasus, as well as in the weakening of military successes of the Ottomans in the West and the fate of struggle of states and peoples of Europe against Turkey and Turkish feudals; the consequencies of the restrictions of trade connections of Azerbaijan and neighbouring countries as a result of the Ottoman conquests and the first colonial occupations of the Western states. The author also considered the role of interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the Western countries in the mutual drawing together and widening of cultural ties between the peoples of Asia and Europe.

The novelty of the study is primarily in the fact that for the first time in our historiography the interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries in the epoch of the primitive accumulation of capital, the Ottoman conquests and great geographical discoveries are specially considered. The following items are also touched upon in the research for the first time:

—It is proved that in the basis of the relations of the Safavis with the Western countries in the epoch of the primitive accumulation of capital lies not a political but an economic factor or rather a mutual interest in widening of traditional trade relations;

— While considering the role of external military-political factor (the Ottoman conquests) in mutual drawing together of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries a supposition is put forward that the states that had united in the anti-Turkish coalition not only defended themselves from the external threat, as the representatives of " national" historical schools trying to exaggerate the role of their countries in inter-national relations assert, but had broad predatory plans them-selves;

— It is grounded that in widening of interrelations with the European countries an important role was played by the policy of these countries, directed at acquiring of cheap raw material sources and profitable markets in the East, and by plans of realization of first colonial conquests in the epoch of primitive accumulation of capital;

— It is found out that the raw silk which was the main item of export from the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis became an object of sharp competitive struggle between the Western

powers which exerted active influence on the international relations. The Akkoyunlu and Safavi rulers used this struggel to realize their political plans;

—It is proved that at the end of the 60es— the beginning of the 70es of the XV century the state of the Akkoyunlu played a leading role in the anti-Turkish coalition. The existance of broad diplomatic relations between the state of the Akkoyunlu and the Western countries is disclosed. It is proved by many facts, which are systematized and generalized. The diplomatic relations between the sides are devided into periods and characteristics are given to each of them;

— The important role of active foreign policy of the Akkoyunlu in frustration of the predatory plans of the Ottoman Empire in the East in the second half of the XV century, its objective positive influence on destiny of struggle of peoples and nations of Europe against the Ottoman Empire are disclosed;

— The important and sometimes leading role of the Safavis in the interstate relations of the European and Asian countries in the XVI century, when the might of the Ottoman Empire was at its height, is shown;

— The most important directions of the diplomatic relations of the Safavis with the Western countries are elucidated, they are subdivided into periods and stages, each is given characteristics and the richest factual material about these interrelations' is systematized and generalized;

— The Safavi-European interrelations are studied in close unity with the changes that were the reason of sudden change in world historical development in connection with the primitive accumulation of capital, the great geographical discoveries and the Ottoman conquests;

— The colonial essense of the trade policy of the European powers in the East, including territories of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis, is disclosed. Taking advantage of the fact that the Akkoyunlu and Safavi rulers applied to the European countries for providing protection of their economic interests and the joint struggle against common threat, some of these countries were undertaking efforts to fortify their positions on the territories of these states in order to realize their colonial plans;

—The policy of the Western powers, directed to the weakening both the Safavis and the Ottoman Empire and to create favourable conditions for colonial conquests in the East is disclosed. This policy is represented as one of the first examples of " divide and rule" policy that was carried out by the European colonizers in the East as early as in the epoch of the primitive accumulation of capital;

—Grounds are. given to the decisive role in frustration of the Ottoman Sultans' plans to conquer all the Caucasus, including Azerbaijan, and to fortify their positions in the basin of the Caspian Sea, actually played by the Safavi state which during the XVI and at the beginning of the XVII centuries led fierce wars against the Ottoman Empire;

—The leading role of the Safavis, that assumed the main blow of the Ottoman Empire in the period of its highest might, in weakening of this monarchy, which presented serious threat to many peoples and nations of Europe, Asia and Africa, is disclosed;

— The positive influence of long Safavi-Turkish wars, liberation struggle of peoples of the Safavi state against the oppression of the Ottoman feudals, on the historical destiny of struggle of European countries and nations against the Turkish conquests is determined;

—The conclusion is made that as a result of long wars against such mighty enemy as the Ottoman Empire and negative economic consequencies of the great geographical discoveries the state of the Safavis weakened. A period of its deep decline began and the traditional trade relations of Azerbaijan and the nieghbouring countries with the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean became extremely limited, that led to widening of their trade relations with Russia through the Derbend pass and along the Caspian-Volga way and this promoted to the appearance of prerequisites for Russian orientation here;

— It is shown that the broad contacts, which were established with the purpose of setting internal and external political plans of the ruling circles of the Akkoyunlu, Safavis and West

European states, objectively exerted positive influence both on further drawing together peoples of Asia and Europe and on deepening their mutual cultural ties;

—Many new sources on the studied problem are put into scientific circulation such as correspondence of the Akkoyunlu and the Safavi rulers with the heads of the European countries, secret instructions to the Western diplomats who were sent to the East with the important political missions, their secret reports to their countries from the Palaces of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis, customs deeds of the Ottoman Sultans and some other valuable documents.

At the same time in view of the great complexity and multiplan character of the studied problem, its correlation with many important events, processes and stages of the world history the author not in the least considers all the conclusions made to be final and indisputable because further studying of the primary sources, available and still unavailable, may lead to the appearance of new studies of this problem.

The scientific value of this study is determined primarily by the fact that the detailed studying of interrelations of such large feudal empires as the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the Western countries during a period of nearly 150 years allows to create a more distinct idea of the role that was played by the peoples of the USSR which were, the part of those empires, including Azerbaijan, and also by the other nations of the East in the process of world historical development. This study proves also that the deep socio-economic and political consequences of the West European states' colonial policy in the epoch of the primitive accumulation of capital, the great geographical discoveries and the Ottoman conquests, the considerable shifts of international trade routes and as a result of it the weakening of traditional trade relations between Europe and Asia left an indelible trace in the history of these countries and peoples. The important role of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis in weakening of such serious international threat as the Ottoman Empire is brought to light. Against the background of questions, studied in the research the historical past of the Azerbaijan people and the neighbouring nations is visible more distinctly with all the complex of socio-economic and political factors which made them to link their destiny with Russia. Many new factors, cited in the work, conclusions and generalizations may render concrete help in more profound studying the external political history of Azerbaijan and the neighbouring Caucasus republics, Iran, Turkey and also the Western countries which maintained relations with the Safavis in the second half of the XV century—the begining of the XVII century. We hope that this study will be a certain step forward in further learning'the history of international relations of this period and primarily many problems of interrelations of the European states with the countries of the East in connection with the process of primitive accumulation of capital and the Ottoman conquests and will be able to enrich to a certain degree our historiography.

The interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states with the West European countries have not been studied as a separate scientific problem in the Soviet historiography up till now, although our historians carried out a number of fundamental studies on the separate questions of the socio-economic and political history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. Certain attention is paid to some aspects of the foreign policy of these states. Among such works we should mark the researcher by I. P. Petroushevsky /363—68/ in which we can find some facts and interesting thoughts about the external political history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis, in particular about their interrelations with the countries of Europe.

J. M. Ibrahimov /204—205/ and M. A. Abidova /145—146/ enriched the socio-economic history of the Akkoyunlu by some new facts. A considerable contribution to the subject became the works by 0. A. Efendiev /438—-440/ in which the author alongside with the traditional oriental sources turned to the European ones and paid more attention than his predecessors to the

relations of the Safavis with Turkey and the Western countries.

Valuable studies on the socio-economic and political history of the Safavis including questions of the development of handicraft and trade, the conditions of towns, socio-political struggle, administrative system, interrelations with Russia and with the other neighbouring countries were made by A. P. Novoseltsev /346—349/, A. A. Rahmani /382—383/, S. B.

Ashurbeili /158—159/, M. H. Heidarov /184—186/, S. M. Onullahi /351/ P. P. Bushev /175—176/, A. N. Huseinov /193/, K. K. Kutsia /244—245/, K. Z. Ashrafian /156—157/ and others.

The history of the Caucasus peoples was to a centain degree enriched by T. I. Abashidze /143/, K. Babaev /160/, Z. H. Bairamov /163/, N. G. Gelashvili /187/, B. A. Djavahia /195/ G. A. Djiddi /196/, M. K. Zulalian /203/, Ch. A. Kurbanova /642/, T. S. Kutelia /243/, R. A. Mamedov /332/, S. A. Mamedov /255, 333/, Sh. K. Mamedova /256/, J. A. Manandian /257/, U. H. Nadjarian /339—340/, M. Kh. Neimatova /341/, A.M. Radjabli /377—378/, M. A. Saifaddini /388/, V. A. Papazian /360/, N. I. Surguladze /394/, T. G. Tivadze /399/, Sh. F. FarzaHev /405/ and some others. But among these studies there is no any work devoted directly to the interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the European countries.

Considerable work in studying of some questions on the history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis was made by the foreign historians, the works of whom contain the rich facts from valuable sources which are not to be found in libraries of our country. In this respect great interest represents the works by V. F. Minorsky /521/, I. H. Uzun^ar^ili /579—582/, R. Savory /554/, K. M. Rohrborn /549/, *A. K. S. Lambton /514/, J. E. Woods 593/, G. Sarwar /553/, K. Bayani /455/, B. S. Baikal /456/ A. S. Erzi /481/, M. H. Yinanc /49/, N. Falsafi /601—603/, W. Hinz /496/ and others. But among all these authors only V. F. Minorsky, P. Savory, K. Bayani, N. Falsafi and G. Sarwar touched to a certain degree separate aspects of this problem.

On the whole the interrelations of the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the European Countries in the second half of the XV century—the beginning of the XVII century have not been subject to a special study in the foreign historiography either.

The Western states, having their concrete economic and political plans, were interested in maintaining the relations with the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. In this connection it should be marked

that Soviet historians E. M. Shahmliev /423—426/, I. P. Magidovich /254/, N. N. Tumanovich /401/, V. Chochiev /419/, V. V. Shtokmar /431—432/, M. S. Abramian /147/, A. Y. Levin /246—247/, B. A. Ahmedov /153—155/, V. P. Oltarzhevski /350/, G. I. Tsipurina /415—416/, M. G. Osokin /357/, A. N. Ivanov /208/ and others carried out a number of valuable revealing the colonial plans of some Western countries concerning the East in the epoch of the primitive accumulation of capital. That was a considerable bit of a help in solving of a number of questions of the problem.

Of great interest to us are the studies by S. P. Karpov, devoted to the relations of the Trebizond Greek state with the countries of Western Europe which are baised mainly on the» documents from the archives of Venice and Genoa. In his studies S. P. Karpov /229—230/ comes to some interesting conclusions concerning the interrelations of The Bizond with the Eastern countries including Akkoyunlu.

Considerable facts about the eastern policy and the colonial conquests of the European countries in the period of the primitive accumulation of capital and the great geographical discoveries is contained also in the works of such foreign authors as P. Richardson /546/, W. D. Bailey and G. D. Winius /453/, R. Bullard /460/, L. W. Cowie/467/, F. Kurtoglu /512/, J. H. Parry /536/, M. M. Postan /539/, M. E. Wilbur /587/ T. S. Willan /588, 589/, A. T. Wilson /591/, A. C. Wood /592/ and in a number of generalizing works /482, 573/.

As has already been Said, the main external political factor which played the decisive role in the mutual drawing together the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with some European countries was the necessity of joint struggle against the Ottoman Empire. In this connection it should be marked that the principle position of the Soviet historiography concerning the question of the external policy and the main directions of conquests of the Ottoman Empire in XV—XVII centuries is reflected in the works of A F. Miller /334—335/, A. D. Novichev /343, 345/, N. A. Ivanov /209/, S. F. Oreshkova /352—353/ and others. We fully share the thought, stated in the collective work edited by I. E. Grekov, that the historians belonging to " national" historical schools of some countries in their studies of the history of the bilateral relations with the Ottoman Empire displayed special interest to revealing the contribution of their own countries to the development of international relations hypertrophizing their role and underestimaiting the

significance of other states of the region /354, p. 4/ It's necessary to mark that in the historiography such one-sided approach was tolerated also with respect to the history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. The important role of these states, especially that of the Safavis, in the anti-Ottoman international relations has not been properly elucidated. That is why one of the main tasks of this study is to make up as far as possible for this deficiency.

The rich facts on the history of foreign policy and economic relations of the Ottoman Empire is contained in the works of Turkish historians F. Dalsar /471/, I. Halil /490—491/, S.Tansel (569—570), V. Mirmiroglu (522), B. Kiitiikoglu (513), V. M. Kocatiirk /505/, R. E.Ko? u/506—509/, A. N. Kurat/510— 511/ and others and also in the works of A. Z. V. Togan/574/, I. H. Uzun^arsili /579—582/, I. H. Danismend /473—475/. Y. T. Oztuna /529—534/ and others.

Thus, the interrelatios of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the countries of Western Europe in the present chronological framework have not yet been studied neither in foreign nor in the Soviet historiography.

As far as the source base of the study is concerned, it should be noted that although in the traditional Persian sources which are well known to the Soviet historians (the works of Mirkhond, Fazlullah ibn Ruzbikhan Hundji, Abu Bekr Tihrani-Isfahani, Khondemir, Yahya Qazwini, Hasan-bey Rumlu, Sharafkhan Bidlisi, Khurshah, Kazi Ahmed Kumi, Iskender-bey Munshi, Mahmud Natanzi and other authors, in 'Taskire-yi Shah Tahmasib" ets.) there is much rich material on the questions of the inner life of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis and on the relations of these states with the neighbouring countries, the problem of interrelations of these states with the European countries has not yet found its reflection.

Among the sources on the history of interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the European countries such documents as the correspondense of the rulers of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis; the secret instructions to the diplomats, sent from Europe to the courts of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis; the secret reports of Western diplomats to their governments from the East; the deeds about trade privileges; the statements of capitulation; the customs decrees; the texts of peace treaties have special significance. In these documents the concrete political plans and the economic interests of both sides have found their reflection. An enormous work on collection and publication of a large number of such documents was carried out by Italian historian G. Berchet /100/. More than 50 extremely valuable documents from the archives of the Venetian Senate have been included to the collection of G, Berchet. These are the letters of the Akkoyunlu and Safavi rulers Uzun Hasan (documents 8, 13), Shah Ismail I (document 31), Shah Muhammed Khudabende (document 27) and Shah Abbas I (documents 30, 32, 33, 36, 39, 42, 44 and others) to the Venetian government and the messages of the Venetian doges to Shah Tahmasib (documents 22, 24) and to Shah Abbas I (documents 31, 35, 41); the secret instructions to Venetian diplomats Caterino Zeno (documents 6, 7), losafa Barbaro (documents 9, 10), Ambrosio Contarini (documents 14, 15, 16) and Vincenco Allessandri (document 23) who went to the courts of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis; the resolutions of the Venetian Senate (documents 2, 3, 4, 5, 34, 45 and others); the secret reports and messages of the Venetian diplomats sent to the East: George of Flandria (document 1), Caterino Zeno (documents 11, 12), Giovanni Dario (documents 17, 18), Constantino Laskari (documents 19, 20), Vincenco Allessandri (document 25, 26) and Francesco Sagredo (document 37), the reports of Safavi diplomats Hodja Muhammed (document 28), Efet-bey (document 29), Hodja Sefer (document 38) and others. It should be noted that the documents of G. Berchet* s collection are the only source giving a chear view of the course and key questions of the interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries during all the period of ruling of these dynasties beginning from the middle of the XV century in chronological order. But unfortunately this collection of documents has not been studied by the historians who occupied themselves by the history of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis. In this research and in our other published studies the materials of the collection are analysed in complex in the interested aspect for the first time.

Another most valuable source for studying of the problem is the collection of documents named " Shah Ismail I in the " Diaries" by Marin Sanudo", edited in 1979 in Rome by Italian historian B. S. Amoretti /124/. In this collection, prepared by the specialists of the Rome Institute of the East, 937 document are included in the chronological order covering the years of ruling of Shah Ismail I (1501—1524) among which there are very interesting and rare documents about the Safavi-European relations. These are the materials about the Western diplomats leading the negotiations with Shah Ismail I, their accounts, the letters of the Safavi ruler to the Western governors and also the facts about the relations of the Safavi state with Rhodes, Portugal and the Papacy, about the trade relations with the Mediterranean towns (documents 1, 2, 7, 38, 42, 43, 84. 95, 117, 118, 132. 217, 218, 240, 251, 268, 270, 279, 280, 452, 472, 714, 763, 878, 883 and others). Much of this material is not to be found in other sources. We must note that this collection has not so far been studied by the Soviet researchers of the Safavi state. The first reports about the collection " Shah Ismail I in the " Diaries" by Marin Sanudo" were made by us in the " Izvestia" of the Azerbaijan SSR Academy of Sciences /312/.

For understanding the economic bases of mutual drawing together the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries the code of laws of the period of ruling of Mehmed II and Bayazid II /111/, edited by R. Anhegger and I. Halil, has great significance. Here they collected very valuable documents (the customs deeds and " yasagname" (" prohibitions") in which the rules of duties collection from the foreign merchants at the Turkish bazars were stipulated. At these ba- zars in Istambul, Bursa, Tokat, Trebizond, Samsun, Sinop and other trade centers the Eastern merchants, and among them traders from the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states were meeting with the Europeans (mainly from Venice and Genoa) (documents 30, 31, 32, 36, 41, 42, 45, 53, 55, 56 etc.). This collection as a source for studying the interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the West was also used by us for the first time.

The customs laws of Sultan Selim I /57/ testify to the hard blow inflicted to the economic interests of the European and Asian states by the customs policy of the Ottoman Empire.

The collection of letters of Sultan Mehmed IPs time, published by N. Lugal and A. Erzi /107/ and the code of peace treaties and capitulations edited by R. Ekrem//120/ have an important significance for understanding of some aspects of foreign policy of the Akkoyunlu and the Ottoman Empire.

Among the documentary material on the studied problem the great value is attributed to the reports sent to the Popes by the members of the Order of the Carmelites who had been carrying the missionary activity in the trade and handicraft centers of the Safavi state. The correspondence of the Safavi Shahs with the Western rulers and other valuable documents were also included in " A Chronicle of the Carmelites" /93/.

The descriptions of trips, memoirs, diaries, annals compose an important group of primary sources the value of which is in the fact that they are based on observations of the authors many of whom had been in the palaces of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis themselves. Among them special interest represent the reports of Caterino Zeno /134/, losafa Barbaro /135/, Ambrosio Contarini /132/, J. M: Angiolello /96/, Afanasi Nikitin /62.89/, Giovanni Dario /100. 17—18, p. 149—152/, Constantino Lascari /100.19, p. 153—156; 100.20, p. 156—157; 124.42, p. 32— 37; 100.43, p. 37—39/, Anthony Jenkinson /104/, Richard Chiny, Arthur Edwards, Lawrence Chapman, Layonel Plemtry, Geffry Dacket, Christopher Berrow /34; 108; 109/, Vincenco Allessandri /100, p. 30—37; 100.25, p. 163—167; 100.26, p. 167—182/, Stephen Kakash and George Tektander /53/ and others.

Studing the historical prerequisites of the relations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries, observing their course and generalizing the results we took into account information given by Yakut al-Hamawi, Karpini, Rubruk, Marco Polo, loanne de Galonifontibus, Claviho, Shiltberger, Adam Oleary, Eviiya Chelebi, Yan Strace and others although it is not in the chronological frame-work of our study.

Among the sources of narrative character on this problem the work of an unknown chronicler named " The description of solemn arrival and stay of the Persian embassy in Rome in

april in the year of 1601" /64/ is of special interest. The information contained in this work is not to be met in other sources. The work itself is used in this study for the first time.

For studying the Safavi-European relations, especially during the rule of Shah Abbas I some material of the work of Don Juan of Persia — Oruge-bey Bayat, the secretary of the Safavi embassy sent to the European countries in 1599 is available /103, 54/.

For determining the role and importance of " the Turkish problem" in the relations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis and in the mutual drawing together of the East and the West we turned to the Turkish narrative sources such as the works of Aoglu Ahmed Aiki /98/, Karamanii Nianci Mehmed Paia /112/, Bayatii Mahmud Oglu Hasan /99/, Mehmed Ne /H7_H9/ ibn Kemal /110/ and of many other authors.

Thus, the information about the interrelations of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the Western countries is scattered in various sources In different languages. The work with these sources requies great caution, critical approach to any material, thorough comparison with the other data and finally the evaluation of this information against the background of the real his-

torical process.

The interrelation of the' Akkoyunlu and Safavis with the countries of Europe went against the background of the general drawing together the East and the West and had deep economic roots. Vast territories of these feudal empires of the East and primarily Azerbaijan played an important role in providing the Western Europe with different oriental goods and particularly with manufactered articles. The merchants from the Akkoyunlu and Safavi states led an animated trade in the traditional trade centres on the Black and Mediterranean Seas. They were the main regions of setting economic relations between Europe and Asia. Here the Europeans, mainly the Italians, bought from the merchants arriving from different eastern countries (including Azerbaijan) refined silk cloth, raw silk, different spices, rare precious stones and other goods. Later they resold these goods at much higher prices in the Western countries. The Italian merchants who got used to derive big profits from the mediation in the trade by the traditional eastern goods penetrated from the shores of the Black and Mediterranean Seas to the central regions of Asia trying to fortify their positions in different countries of the East including Azerbaijan. One of the most important international trade centres that set economic relations between, Europe and the East was Tabriz.

In the second half of the XV century very important caravan routes passed across the territory of Akkoyunlu. One of the routes tied the trade centers of the Middle and Near East through Tabriz, Caspian regions of Azerbaijan and Astrakhan with Moscow. Another route (Hurmuz — Shiraz — Ray — Tabriz — Trebizond) connected Iran and Azerbaijan with the Black Sea. The third route led from the inner regions of Asia to the largest trade centers of the Eastern Mediterranean. Among them we may call Halab (Aleppo), Beirut, Sham (Damascus) and some others. In setting the trade ties of the East countries with Europe the caravan route Tabriz — Bursa — Istambul played a great role.

The feudal rulers of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis widely used the geographical position of their states which was very convenient for the international trade. One of the main sources of incomes were the duties that were collected from the trade caravans passing their territories. The states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis also maintained broad trade relations with the Western countries. Silk and especially famous raw silk from Azerbaijan played an important role in these relations.

By the middle of the XV century the trade of the East with Europe continued to be carried out with the mediation of the Italians including the Venetians. Dealing with the latter (i. e. Venetians) K. Marx said, "... the main profit was derived not from the product exports of their country but from the mediation at exchange of products of such societies which still were underdeveloped in the trade and economic respect..." /5, p. 361 /

Thus, the mutually beneficial economic relations underlay the interrelations of Azerbaijan and the neighbouring Western countries.

But beginning from the middle of the XV century these relations began to acquire a political character and it was connected with the aggressive foreign policy of the Ottoman Empire. Seizing the traditional trade centers during predatory wars Turkey became a dangerous obstacle on the way of setting economic relations of Azerbaijan with the European countries. As a result of fall of Constantinople in 1453 which was " the golden bridge" /3, p. 240/ between the East and the West, capture of " the keys" /II, p. 13/ from the Black Sea— Bosporus and the Dardannelles, and the following Ottoman conquests the turning period began in the trade relations of Europe and Asia. Famous trade centers on the shore of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, in Front Asia lost their former significance in the trade between the West and the East. The usurpation by Turkey the right of mediation in this trade and the hard customs policy of the Ottoman Empire dealt a serious blow at the trade 'relations of Azerbaijan with the Western countries and also at the trade between Asia and Europe on the whole.

The facts of the primary sources testifies that beginning from the middle of the XV century the Ottoman Empire exerted more and more efforts trying to process raw silk brought from the East in Turkey so that it could become the country that exported its ready production to Europe. Therefore various obstacles were created to prevent the raw silk, imported from Azerbaijan, from export outside Turkey. The silk that was exported from the Turkish bazars, particularly from Bursa, was heavily taxed. On the other hand the Azerbaijan merchants who could maintain the relations with the West only through the Turkish bazaars had to sell silk to the Ottoman merchants on unprofitable, conditions. The duty was taken from them twice, in Tokat and in Bursa /111, p. 41; p. 52, 491/ on accounts of 2 akhchas (money) from every 100 akhchas of the silk or silk cloth price 11, p. 79—80/ making them 4% in all. On the whole from 3 million akhchas collected in Bursa, 2 million akhchas were the duty for the silk /491, p. 57/. Besides that the state soi'd the right of of duty collection to individual persons at high prices and that complicated the silk trade still more. For example, in one of the documents dated by the year of 1492 it is pointed that the right of duty collection had been sold to a certain Iskender Sandigchioglu for three years for the sum oi\ 661000 akhchas. That sum was 500 akhchas more than the supposed yearly receipts /471, p. 167/. The duty collected in Bursa in 1460 made up 180000 akhchas, 661000 akhchas in 1462, 5500000 akhchas in 1494 /471, p. 142/. The trade relations of the Azerbaijan and other eastern merchants with the Western countries through the Turkish territory was restricted by other means too.

Besides that, in order to strengthen its priority in the trade between Asia and Europe and to provide the developing Turkish silk weaving enterprises with the constant source of raw material the Ottoman Empire strove to capture all the " silk way" from Tebriz via Tokat to Bursa, which was " the main artery of the Ottoman economy" /490, p. 515/. In his study of the history of Bursa Halil Inaljik comes to the conclusion that this " silk way" connecting Bursa with Tebriz was the main factor which directed the Ottoman conquests to the East /491, p. 51/. The Ottoman Empire had the intention to conquer Azerbaijan, which was the main supplier of raw silk of that time and also all the Southern Caucasus and Iran. In that case' Turkey could rule on all the trade ways leading from Middle Asia and India through Azerbaijan and Iran to the shores of the Black and Mediterranean Seas and to Bursa and Istambul as well. Besides that Turkey could completely capture the mediation in the trade of Europe with the East. Facing this threat the Akkoyunlu and Safavi rulers had to look for the allies in Europe behind the back of Turkey. It is seen that in the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis on the one hand and the Ottoman Empire on the other hand there was the struggle for predominance on the caravan routes, connecting the hast and the West.

The deep economic and political contradictions existed also between Turkey and the European countries, particularly Venice. The Venetian Republic in which in the XIV — XV centuries there already appeared the rudiments of the capitalist production /4 p 728/, did not simply defend itself from " the Turkish threat". It began a cruel military-political struggle with Turkey for keeping for itseff not only the right of mediation in the trade between Europe and Asia but also many trade centers of Front Asia. The trade policy of Venice concerning eastern

countries, especially the states of Front Asia, had a colonial character. As K Marx marked "... the development of the trade capital in ancient and in new times is directly connected with the violent robbery, the sea piracy, the theft of slaves, the enslavement of colonies as it was in Carthago, in Rome and later with the Venetians, the Portugese, the Dutch etc." and so on /5, p. 364/. Venice strove to defeat Turkey which was a serious obstacle in the way of external trade relations of the Republic and to capture convenient points on the Turkish territory to expand its Eastern trade. In the letters of the Venetian Senate to the rulers of European and Asian states it was proposed to rout Turkey and to divide its territory. In all these " sharings" Venice always reserved the convenient trade centers on the Mediterranean coast of Turkey for itself. That is why the Republic was looking for the allies like the states of the Akkoyunlu and Safavis.

Thus in the interrelations of the states interested in the trade in regions of the Black and Mediterrenian Seas a period of joint struggle against the Ottoman Empire began. The " Turkish question" became the principle one in their foreign policy. The states striving to the creation of the anti-Ottoman military-political bloc did not simply struggle against the foreign invasion but with the purpose of securing their international economic and political interests aspired to destroy the Ottoman Empire completely. This struggle for the predominance on the international trade ways connecting the Black Sea with the Mediterranean, Europe with Asia, continued taking still more fierce character. As the role of the international trade in the economic life of individual states increased, the number of the European and Asian countries taking part in this struggle grew.

The state of the Akkoyunlu took an active part in the creation of anti-Turkish bloc of the European and Asian states. The relations of the Akkoyunlu with the European countries are divided into two periods: the period of early diplomatic relations (before the conquest of Azerbaijan by Uzun Hasan and the creation of the vast feudal empire of the Akkoyunlu with the capital in Tebriz in 1467) and the period of wide interrelations (after the creation of Empire of the Akkoyunlu).

The first diplomatic contacts of the Akkoyunlu rulers with the Christian states began with the mediation of the Trebizond emperors with whom they were linked by the blood ties. After the conquest of Constantinople the relations with the Western countries widened. The Popes who actively propagandized in Europe the cross campaign against Turkey tried to revolt against the Ottoman Empire all its adversaries in Minor Asia and primarily the Akkoyunlu state /476, p. 71/. The anti-Turkish coalition that was being created by ambassador Lodovico —of Bolonia behind the back of the Ottoman state was to be headed by Uzun Hasan /403, p., 135/. The union bbtween Akkoynulu, the Pope and Trebizond was concluded in 1458 to which the Georgian princes, Karaman ruler Ibrahim-bey and Isfandiarodlu Ismail-bey joined /569, p. 263/. The widest diplomatic relations the Akkoyunlu maintained with Venice that was the main European adversary to the Ottomans. With the beginning of the Venetian—Turkish war (1463—1479) these relations took a more regular character. On 2 December 1463 the Venetian Senate adopted the decision about the conclusion of the military union with the Akkoyunlu state against the Ottoman empire /100. 2, p. 102—103/. Lazaro Kvirino was sent to Diyarbekir for the negotiations with Uzun Hasan /260, p. 64—65; 270, p. 38—39; 274, p. 31; 288, p. 61/. On 13 March 1464 the embassy of Uzun Hasan arrived in Venice and concluded the union with the Republic against Turkey /100, p. 3/. According to the agreement in spring 1465 the allies were to carry out a joint assault at Istambul: the Venetian fleet was to attack the city from the sea and the cavalry of Uzun Hasan counting 60 thousands of horsmen from the land /115, p. 33/. Venice promised to Uzun Hasan all the territories conquered by him but reserved the Mediterranean of Minor Asia and particularly the seaports for itself /100, p. 4/. In 1465 the negotiations in Venice were conducted by another Akkoyunlu diplomat Hasan Azan who handed to the Venetian government the letters of Uzun Hasan and his wife Despine Khatun — Feodora, in which the Venetian republic was proposed to come forward against Turkey and to rise other Christian states /260, p. 63—67; 269, p. 32—33; 270, p. 37—43/. The allies agreed to inform each other

about the military operations on both fronts through the Venetian consul in Aleppo /100.5. p. 107—108/.

In the 1450—60s besides Trebiwnd and other Asian allies, the Papacy and the Venetian republic Uzun Hasan established the diplomatic relations with Cyprus, Rhodes, Hungary, Albania and others. As a result of the anti-Turkish negotiations in the the 1460s the military-political union of the Asian and European countries against the Ottoman Empire was created. It was headed by Akkoyunlu and Venice. This union included Karaman in the East, Trebizond and other small feudal states in Minor Asia and the Papacy, Hungary, Burgundy, Albania, Cyprus and Rhodes in Europe. However, these states could not come forward against the Ottoman Empire by the united front. There were deep contradictions between the members of the anti Turkish bloc. The state of the Akkoyunlu did not begin war against Turkey either (to say nothing of the clashes in Koylu-Hisar and the campaigns of Uzun Hasan to Karaman). The 1450—60s were the most crisis-ridden period of the international status of this small state because it was threatened by the state of the Kara-koyunlu in alliance with the Timuris from the east and by the Ottoman Empire from the west. In this complicated situation the outstanding military leader and diplomat Uzun Hasan directed all his attention on the defeat of the Karakoyunlu and Timuris. Trying to ensure his security from the rear in the west he maintained the relations with the European states, especially with Venice which at that time was in the state of war with Turkey. Alongside with this he tried to drag out this wair as much as possible. And so far the principle question of the foreign policy of Akkoyunlu was its struggle against the Karakoyunlu and Timuris. The struggle against the Ottoman Empire was still ahead.

At the end of the 1460s and in the beginning of the 1470s the objective historical conditions for widening the diplomatic relations of Akkoyunlu with the Western countries appeared. Uzun Hasan having defeated Jahan-Shah Karakoyunlu and Abu Said Timuri created the vast feudal empire the boundaries of which stretched from Horasan to Karaman /10, p. 202/. By this time the preponderance of Turkey in its war against Venice (1463—1479) became obvious and the Western powers faced a real threat of the attack. The interrelations of Akkoyunlu with the Western countries became still more animated.

The plan of destroying the Ottoman Empire was being worked out in Tabriz. According to the military plan of the Akkoyunlu leader Turkey was to be attacked from the east and west simultaneously. The European states headed by Venice were to deal a blow from the west whereas Akkoyunlu was to strike from the east. The allies agreed to meet at the Karaman sea shore of the Mediterranean where the troops of Akkoyunlu were to get fire-arms from Venice. After that a joint offensive at Istambul up to the full victory was planned. In 1471 Muradbey, Hodja Mirak and other ambassadors of Akkoyunlu were sent to Venice^ Rome, Poland and to the courts of other European | rulers for coordination of the plan of Uzun Hasan. In September 1471 according to the decision of the Venetian Senate together with Murad-bey an ambassador of Venice Caterino Zeno was sent to Tabriz. He informed Uzun Hasan that in case Akkoyunlu waged war against Turkey in the east, the Venetian fleet in the Mediterranean Sea which counted 100 galleys and other big and small vessels would also dfeal a blow /134, p. 12/. In spring 1472 the state of the Akkoyunlu began the war against Turkey. In order to inform the government of Venice about this fact Sebastiano Crossekieri was sent to Europe and Caterin Zeno wrote there a letter following the instructions of Uzun Hasan /100.9, p. 119/. He atso informed the Commander-in-Chief of the Venetian Navy captain Pietro Mochenigo that the army of the Akkoyunlu would go over to the offensive in the direction of the Mediterranean. Uzun Hasan sent to Italy, the embassy headed by Hadji Muhamrned who was ordered to accompany personally the vessels with the fire-arms and the artillery specialists for the Akkoyunlu army up to the Mediterranean Sea. Another envoy of Akkoyunlu Muhammed also informed the government of Venice about the beginning of the war /100.9, p. 119/. The state of the Akkoyunlu acting in accordance with the plan, of anti-Turkish coalition fulfilled its allways duty. Its military forces went over to the offensive in the direction of Bidlis-Tokat-Akshehir-Konya and having won a number of brilliant victories liberated Karaman from the Ottomans. The cavalry of

Akkoyunlu headed by Mirza Yusif-khan reached the Mediterranean coast. Thus the favourable conditions for joining with the Western members of the anti-Turkish coalition and getting fire-arms and artillery specialists from Europe appeared. But contrary to the agreement that had been reached the Western allies of Uzun Hasan did not send anything. Moreover, taking advantage of the military successes of Akkoyunlu and willing to pull out the trade priviledges from Turkey by the peaceful means, Venice began separate negotiations with the Ottomans. -The troops of the Akkoyunlu being alienated from its rear got into very hard situation and suffered a defeat in the unequal battle near Beyshehir. The Akkoyunlu lost all that they had gained for a short period of time. The possibility of winning the victory over the Ottoman Empire was missed. The territory of Karaman passed to the Ottomans again and the Asian and European members of the anti-Turkish coalition ultimately lost the possibility to unite here.

Only after the failure of the separate negotiations of the shore of the Mediterranean where the troops of Akkoyunlu were to get fire-arms from Venice. After that a joint offensive at Istambul up to the full victory was planned. In 1471 Muradbey, Hodja Mirak and other ambassadors of Akkoyunlu were sent to Venice Rome, Poland and to the courts of other European rulers for coordination of the plan of Uzun Hasan. In September 1471 according to the decision of the Venetian Senate together with Murad-bey an ambassador of Venice Caterino Zeno was sent to Tabriz. He informed Uzun Hasan that in case Akkoyunlu waged war against Turkey in the east, the Venetian fleet in the Mediterranean Sea which counted 100 galleys and other big and small vessels would also deal a blow /134, p. 12/. In spring 1472 the state of the Akkoyunlu began the war against Turkey. In order to inform the government of Venice about this fact Sebastiano Crossekieri was sent to Europe and Caterin Zeno wrote there a letter following the instructions of Uzun Hasan /100.9, p. 119/. He also informed the Commander-in-Chief of the Venetian Navy captain Pietro Mochenigo that the army of the Akkoyunlu would go over to the offensive in the direction of the Mediterranean. Uzun Hasan sent to Italy, the embassy headed by Hadji Muhamrned who was ordered to accompany personally the vessels with the fire-arms and the artillery specialists for the Akkoyunlu army up to the Mediterranean Sea. Another envoy of Akkoyunlu Muhammed also informed the government of Venice about the beginning of the war /100.9, p. 119/. The state of the Akkoyunlu acting in accordance with the plan, of anti-Turkish coalition fulfilled its allways duty. Its military forces went over to the offensive in the direction of Bidlis-Tokat-Akshehir-Konya and having won a number of brilliant victories liberated Karaman from the Ottomans. The cavalry of Akkoyunlu headed by Mirza Yusif-khan reached the Mediterranean coast. Thus the favourable conditions for joining with the Western members of the anti-Turkish coalition and getting fire-arms and artillery specialists from Europe appeared. But contrary to the agreement that had been reached the Western allies of Uzun Hasan did not send anything. Moreover, taking advantage of the military successes of Akkoyunlu and willing to pull out the trade priviledges from Turkey by the peaceful means, Venice began separate negotiations with the Ottomans. -The troops of the Akkoyunlu being alienated from its rear got into very hard situation and suffered a defeat in the unequal battle near Beyshehir. The Akkoyunlu lost all that they had gained for a short period of time. The possibility of winning the victory over the Ottoman Empire was missed. The territory of Karaman passed to the Ottomans again and the Asian and European members of the anti-Turkish coalition ultimately lost the possibility to unite here.

Only after the failure of the separate negotiations of the Venetian diplomats in Istambul and as a result of efforts of the Akkoyunlu ambassadors Ishak and Hadji Muhammed to execute the decision of the Venetian senate from 25 September 1472 and 11 January 1473 on 18 February 1473 the fire-arms to a total value 74000 ducats and the artillery specialists including gunners were sent on 4 vessels under the command of Tommazoda Imola from Venice to Karaman coast of the Mediterranean /135, p. 37; 100, p. 9—10/. Venetian diplomat losafa Barbaro, ambassador of Uzun Hasan Hadji Muhammed and the envoys of the king of Naples and the Pope were also on the ships. When the Venetian ships reached Cyprus on 29 March 1473 it was found out that Karaman had already been in the hands of the Ottomans.

Being well informed about the military plans of the anti-Turkish coalition Mehmed II took a decision to prevent from the possible movement of the Akkoyunlu army in the direction of the Mediterranean Sea. All the military forces of the Ottoman Empire were sent against this army. On 1 August 1473 a fierce battle took place in Malatya on the bank of the Euphrates in which the troops of Uzun Hasan won the victory /100. 12—13/. But in the decisive battle near Otiugbeli on 11 August 1473 it was Mehmed II who turned out to be the victor.The defeat of Akkoyunlu in the battle of Otiugbeli was inevitable. And with this very battle the Akkoyunlu-Turkish war (1472—1473) was ended. The Akkoyunlu cavalry equipped by the obsolete traditional orientol arms appeared to be powerless before the well trained regular Ottoman army. Its regiments of yanichars were equipped by the newest arms and by the heavy guns in particular. Caterino Zeqo that had been the witness of his battle wrote in his secret report to Venice: "...When the glorious ruler approached to the train of the Ottoman they began shooting at the back of the ruler from bombards, spingurds and guns so that the people of the ruler put to flight" /100. 12, p. 36/. This is confirmed also by the Turkish sources. In the opinion of Mehmed Nesri the Akkoyunlu suffered the defeat at Otiugbeli because till that time they had not seen such a battle with the use of fire-arms /119, o. 319/. Another important reason of the defeat of the Akkoyunlu was the failure of the military plans of Uzun Hasan to divide the forces of the Ottoman Empire into two fronts. The European members of the anti-Turkish coalition which had deep contradictions among themselves did not come out against Turkey from the west simultaneously with Akkoyunlu.

The diplomatic relations of Akkoyunlu with the Western countries continued to exist after the war with Turkey. As Zeno testifies after seven days after the battle at Otiugbeli Uzun Hasan received the ambassador of the Hungarian king /100. 12, p. 136/. Together with this ambassador he sent to Europe Caterino Zeno as his envoy for the negotiations with the Pope, the German emperor, the kings of Naples, Poland and Hungary and with the Venetian government /100. 13, p. 137/. The ambassadors of the Pope and of the kings of Czechia and Naples also returned home /580, p. 96—97/.

After the Akkoyunlu-Turkish war the activity of the Western powers, especially that of Venice, concerning Akkoyunlu increased. Having won the victory over Akkoyunlu, Turkey sent all its forces against Venice. Ambassadors of the Republic Paolo Onybene, losafa Barbaro and Ambrosio Contarini were sent to Tabriz to the court of Uzun Hasan. Their only task was to rise Akkoyunlu against the Ottoman Empire again and to direct the enemy's blow at the east at any price. In May and June 1475 the negotiations with Uzun Hasan were conducted by Lodoviko da Bologna who was the envoy of the Duke of Burgundi. But the intentions of the Western countries failed bacause of weakening of central power in Akkoyunlu after the defeat at Otiugbeli. At the height of internal struggle that had begun after the death of Uzun Hasan on 6 January 1478 the Western diplomats one after another left the palace of the Akkoyunlu where the plans of joint victory over the Ottoman Empire had been worked out quite recently.

The efforts of resuming of the anti-Turkish negotiations between Akkoyunlu and Venice were undertaken also during the rule of Sultan Yagub (1478—1490) who was the son Uzun Hasan. Thus, at a state reception on 9 and 10 of June 1485 in 'the magnifisent palace" of Sultan Yagub in Qazwin among the very tiring multitude of ambassadors" the was Venetian diplomat Giovanni Darjo /100. 17—18/. But these contacts did not give the expected results. Beginning from the 80s of [he XV century the diplomatic relations between Akkoyunlu and the countries of Western Europe weakened. The main of this was in heavy defeats inflicted by Sultan Mehmed to every member of the anti-Turkish coalition separately including Akkoyunlu and Venice which had been the main organizers of this bloc. After that a period of deep decline began in the state of the Akkoyunlu. The Venetian Republic, taking into account its international position prefered to arrange the peaceful relations with the Ottoman Empire for the present.

The struggle for the predominance on the traditional caravan ways, linking the West and the East, sharpened still more with the creation of the mighty state of the Safavis on the territory of Akkoyunlu. It included Azerbaijan, almost all Jran, Armenia Iraq. The founder of this state

Shah Ismail I (1501—1524) " ealizing the inevitability of the collision with the Ottoman Empire and willing to defeat the enemy by deviding its military orces into two fronts and continuing the policy of his grandfather Uzun Hasan began reviving the diplomatic relations with the Western powers. On the eve of Venetian-Turkish war of 1499—1502 diplomat Constantino Lascary was sent to the East from Venice for studying the possibility of involving the Safavis that have not yet seized the throne of the Akkoyunlu into the war against the Ottomans /100, p. 22; 100. 19—20, p. 153—157; 124. 42—43; p. 32—39/. But these first negotiations did not give the results that had been expected from them because Shah Ismail could not so far render military aid to the Venetian Republic against Turkey. But after the Shah seized the throne of the Akkoyunlu the anti-Turkish policy of the Safavis and the Safavi-European relations have been visibly activated. In 1503 pope Julius II adressed to the leaders of the European powers the appeal to unite against the Ottoman Empire using military, successes of Shah Ismail a^ a favourable moment created by God for the Christian world /570, p. 192—193; 529. p. 164/. In the years of 1501—1503 the Venetian government heard several reports about the Safavi state which had been written by the diplomats returned from the East /100, p. 23; 124.1, p. 3—4; 124.27. p, 20—24; 124.84, p. 61/. In 1505 the letter of Shah Ismail with the offer of the joint march against the Ottoman Empire /100, p. 24 / was given to the Venetian government. In 1508 the ambassador of the Shah arrived in Venice who having made a speech for the government declared that the purpose of his arrival was to remove the fire-arms and the artillerymen from Italy through Syria. He said further that the ruler of his state had the intention to realize the military plan which had not been realized by Uzun Hasan, and if Venice came out against Turkey in the sea, the Safavis would begin the war in Minor Asia /100